Results of September 2017 SPLBE for Environmental Planners (Middle East)

The Professional Regulation Commission (PRC) announces that 21 out of 107 passed the Environmental Planner Licensure Examination given by the Board of Environmental Planning in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates; Al-Khobar, Jeddah and Riyadh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia; Doha, Qatar; Kuwait and in Muscat, Oman last September 2017.

The members of the Board of Environmental Planning who gave the licensure examination are Josefina M. Ramos, Chairman; Lirio T. Abuyuan and Dolores A. Endriga, Members.

• Full text of the Official Result
• Performance of Schools
• List of Successful Examinees

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Review Schedule for June 2018 Environmental Planning Licensure Examination

ATLAS-CPED is pleased to announce the schedule for the Comprehensive Review for the June 2018 Environmental Planning (EnP) Board Exams. The course will also be applied for CPED points for Architects as a Capability Building Seminar in Comprehensive Development Planning (a specialization for Architects under the 2010 SPP).

For more information:

EMAIL TO: atlascped@yahoo.com / atlascped@gmail.com

For on-line registration, see below.

CALL landline: 02-374-9851

CALL or TEXT TO: 0917-801-8531; 0927-8217-787 (Globe) / 0908-8653-829 (Smart)

2nd flr., Franisa Bldg, 76 Kamuning Road, Quezon City (see map at end of this post)

facebook: https://www.facebook.com/atlascpedreview/

You may ENROLL ONLINE below:

 

Objectives of the Course:

1.   To further enhance basic skills, including research (ability to employ methods of data collection/analysis); critical thinking skills (ability to make comprehensive analysis/evaluation of environment and portion thereof); fundamental design skills (ability to apply organizational/spatial/structural principles to the conception of space in the environment; and collaboration skills (ability to identify/assume divergent roles while working as member of a planning team; and 

2. To further enhance understanding of the following: Physical design and the way in which cities work; history and theories of environmental planning; data on present/future needs (e.g. population, employment, etc.); plans and the process by which they are developed; local/regional/ national governments and their programs/processes for making political decisions; and legal/administrative aspects in the practice of environmental planning.

What is the coverage of the Review?

Module I - HISTORY, CONCEPTS, THEORIES AND PRINCIPLES OF ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING

Political/Geographical/legal settings: Definitions, scopes, characteristics

Evolution, goals, concepts and principles/theories of planning

              History/goals of planning

              Foundation of planning

              Nature and types of planning

              ·    National, regional, local

              ·    Economic, social and physical

              ·    Short, medium and long term

              ·    Macro and micro

              ·    Strategic vis-à-vis indicative

              ·    Comprehensive vis-à-vis incremental

City growth and spatial planning theories

     Patterns of human settlements

     City image, urban form and functions

     City growth theories and urban ecological processes

     Urbanization: Issues and trends

     Planning and development of cities and urban areas

Regional Planning and Development

     Rationale/delineation

     Analysis/objectives/targets

     Characteristics of regional/local governments

     Policies and Strategies

     Intra-and Inter-regional development issues

Module II ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING PROCESSES, TECHNIQUES AND STRATEGIES

A.     Nature and Scope 

1. Planning processes, including problem/opportunity definition, goal setting, policy   formulation, generating alternative strategies, programming, etc.

2.     Planning Analyses

3.  Approaches/methodologies for plan preparation, including framework plan, development plan, Comprehensive Land Use Plan (CLUP), strategic plan, structure plan, action plan master plan, sector plan, etc.

4.     Plan testing, evaluation, selection

B. Topics

1.     Overview of the planning processes

2.     Planning tool and techniques

3.     Comprehensive Land Use Plan (CLUP)

4.     Information systems (GIS, MIS, etc.)/ Mapping technologies

Area Development Planning

     Site Planning and Urban Design

     Cultural Heritage Planning 

     Urban Renewal, Redevelopment, Regeneration and Revitalization

     Integrated Area or Integrated Rural Development (IAD or IRD)

     New Towns and Other Spatial Districts (Agro/Eco Villages)

     Industrial Estates/Economic Zones Development

     Watershed/River Basin, Coastal and Waterfront Development

     Protected Areas

Module II ENVIROMENTAL PLANNING PROCESSES, TECHNIQUES AND STRATEGIES

Demographics

Sectoral Planning

     Social Sector (Education, Health, Housing, Social Welfare, etc.

     Economic Sector (Agriculture, Fisheries, Forestry, Industry, Tourism, etc.)

     Infrastructure and Utilities

     Energy

     Natural resources

Land use planning

     Land Classification/Reclassification

     Land Allocation/Utilization

     Development Controls and Incentives

Module  III-  ENVIRONMENTAL PLAN IMPLEMENTATION, LEGAL ASPECTS AND ADMINISTRATION

A.  Nature and Scope

      1.  Plan implementation and enforcement

      2.  Administrative and institutional aspects of plan implementation

      3.  Project planning and development, monitoring and Evaluation

Financing and Budgeting Systems

     Local taxation and revenue generation

     Resource allocation

     Financial requirements/capital improvement program

     Private Financing Initiatives (eg. BOT)

     Comprehensive investment programming system

Legal foundations for Environmental Planning Practice

      Civil Code provisions (Property Law)

      The Environmental Planning Act of 2013

      Government and legal system

      Relevant provisions of the 1987 Constitution

      Local governance

      ·         Constitutional provisions

      ·         Local Government Code

      ·         Powers and responsibilities of local officials relating to environmental management

     International environmental commitments

General Environmental Laws/Philippine Environmental Policy

·         Philippine Environmental Code

·         EIA system

·         Clean Air Act

·         Clean Water Act

Laws Related to Land, Air, Water

·         Network of Integrated Protected Area Systems Law

·         Agrarian Reform Law

·         Clean Air Act

·         Solid Waste Management Act

·         Indigenous Peoples Right Act

Human Habitat

·         Sanitation Code

·         Human settlements, land use and zoning laws

·         Cultural heritage laws

Project Planning, Management and Implementation

·         Project cycle management approach

·         Project monitoring/evaluation

·         Logical framework analysis/tools for project planning design/management

·         Feasibility analysis

Planning Administration and Professional Practice

     Government machinery for planning

     Code of ethics, legal obligations/responsibilities

     Public interest and social justice

     Government procurement policy

     Preparation of contract documents

Disaster Risk Planning

·          Disaster Risk Reduction

·         Climate Change Act

References: PRC Primer Board of Environmental Planning (2006)

What is Environmental Planning?

According to RA 10587, Environmental planning, also known as urban and regional planning, city planning, town and country planning, and/or human settlements planning, refers to the multi-disciplinary art and science of. analyzing, specifying, clarifying, harmonizing, managing and regulating the use and development of land and water resources, in relation to their environs, for the development of sustainable communities and ecosystems.

Environmental Planner refers to a person who is registered and licensed to practice environmental planning and who holds a valid Certificate of Registration and a valid Professional Identification Card from the :Board of Environmental Planning and the Professional Regulation Commission.

SEC. 5 of RA 10587 defines the  Scope of Practice. - The practice of environmental planning, within the meaning and intent of this Act, shall embrace the following:

(a) Providing professional services in the form of technical consultation, rendering of technical advice, plan preparation, capacity building and monitoring and evaluation of implementation involving the following: 

1. National, regional or local development and/or physical framework and comprehensive land·use plans; 

2. Zoning and related ordinances, codes and other legal issuances for the development and management, preservation, conservation, rehabilitation, regulation and control of the environment, including all land, water, air and natural resources; 

3. Planning and development of a barangay, municipality, city, province, region or any portion or combination thereof; and 

4. Development of a site for a particular need or special purpose, such as economic or ecological zones; tourism development zones; and housing and other estate development projects, including the creation of any other spatial arrangement of buildings, utilities, transport and communications; 

(b) In relation to any of the activIties enumerated in paragraph (a), above, preparing the following studies: 

1. Pre·feasibility, feasibility and other related concerns;
2. Environmental assessments; and
3. Institutional, administrative or legal systems;

(c) Curriculum and syllabi development in licensure examinations for environmental planners and teaching in academic institutions and conducting review courses in environmental planning; 

(d) Serving as expert witness, resource person, lecturer, juror or arbitrator in hearings, competitions, exhibitions and other public fora; conduct of hearings, competitions, exhibits and other public fora;

(e) Ensuring compliance with environmental laws including the acquisition of regulatory permits. The Professional Regulatory Board, subject to approval of the Professional Regulation Commission, may add to, or exclude from, this section any activity or act of professional practice, or revise it as the need arises to conform to changes and new developments brought about by the latest trends in environmental planning; and 

(f) Perform other acts or conduct other activities that may be determined by the Board, subject to approval by the Professional Regulation Commission in light of the trend of the practice of the profession

What are the subjects  in the examination?

SEC. 17 (RA 10587). Subjects of Examination. - The licensure examination for environmental planners shall include, but shall not be limited to, the following: 

(a) History, concepts, theories and principles of environmental planning; 

(b) Environmental planning process, methods/techniques and strategies; and 

(c) Environmental plan implementation, legal aspects and administration. 

These subject areas and syllabi shall include topics and subtopics in' accordance with the syllabi or tables of specifications of subjects for licensure examinations by the Board m consultation with the academe and the APO. The subject areas and syllabi may be revised as the need arises to conform to changes and new developments brought about by trends in the practice of environmental planning.

Who can take the examination?

SEC. 18 (RA 10587). Qualifications for Taking the Examination. Any person applying to take the licensure examination as herein provided shall establish to the satisfaction of the Board that he/she has the following qualifications: 

(a) A citizen of the Philippines or a foreign citizen whose country or State has a policy on reciprocity in the practice of the profession; 

(b) A holder of ANY of the following degrees from schools, colleges or universities duly recognized and accredited by the CHED: 

1. A graduate in environmental planning, urban/city and regional planning, or town and country planning or its equivalent; 

2. A Post-Graduate Diploma in Environmental Planning, city and regional planning or its equivalent, and with at least one (1) year of on-the-job training as required herein; 

3. A Bachelor's Degree in Environmental Planning, city planning or urban and regional planning, or town and country planning, or its equivalent, and with two (2) years of on-the-job training as required herein; 

4. A masters or doctorate degree in either architecture, engineering, ecology, economics, geography, geology, public administration, business administration, sociology, social science, law, environmental science, environmental management, development management, natural resources planning and development, and related discipline acceptable to the Board, and with three (3) years of on-the-job training as required herein: Provided, That a person falling under this paragraph shall be allowed to take the licensure examination only within the next five (5) years from the effectivity of this Act; . 

5. A bachelor's degree in architecture, engineering, economics, public administration, law, social work and community development or sociology and other related disciplines acceptable to the Board and with five '(5) years of on-the-job training as required herein: Provided, That a person falling under this paragraph shall be allowed to take the licensure examination only within the next five (5) years from the effectivity of this Act; and 

6. Incumbent holders of planning positions in the national, regional or local government offices or agencies including government-owned and -controlled corporations and have been engaged in development planning functions acceptable to the Board: Provided, That they are holders of professional civil service eligibility and they have undergone at least eighty (80) hours of in-service training or distance learning in developmental planning from a government agency, school or institution recognized by proper authorities: Provided, further, That a person falling under this paragraph may be allowed to take the licensure examination only within the next five (5) years after the effectivity of this Act. 

(c) Of good moral character; and 

(d) Not convicted of an offense involving moral turpitude by a court of competent jurisdiction. The on-the-job training required in this section shall be undertaken under the supervision of a registered and licensed environmental planner or the applicant's immediate supervisor in an agency or organization acceptable to the Board, which is engaged or involved in environmental planning functions or programs.

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CLUP Resource Book: Integrating Climate Change Adaptation and Disaster Risk Reduction & Management

The Philippine Climate Change Commission envisions that the Local Climate Change Action Plans (LCCAP) should not represent a separate plan due to the multitude of plans already required of the Local Government Units (LGUs). This will only add to their burden and decrease the effectiveness of the planning process. Rather, the LCCAP as an action plan should represent a lens or framework to be applied or mainstreamed to already mandated plan such as the Comprehensive Land Use Plan (CLUP). Thus, LGUs need an easy-to-use tool to facilitate the application of climate lens in the CLUP that will complement the existing guidelines for CLUP preparation. This Resource Book summarizes the important considerations for climate change adaptation (CCA) and disaster risk reduction and management (DRRM) in each of the 12 steps of the CLUP preparation. It includes the theoretical background, guide questions, data needs and data sources, required analyses, samples from case studies or other available literature, checklists and directories of other appropriate resources. 

DOWNLOAD THE DOCUMENT HERE

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PLANNING STRATEGICALLY: Guidelines for the Application of the Strategic Planning Process in the Preparation of the CLUP

Planning Strategically was prepared as the governing guideline to facilitate the better application of the 10 volumes of existing HLURB planning guidelines. This Guidelines should be read first, before commencing the preparation of a new CLUP or the revision of an existing CLUP.

Although the document is intended as a tool to aid planning for highly urbanized or rapidly urbanizing areas, it should be noted that the principles are equally valid for the planning of predominantly rural municipalities. This document does not seek to define urban growth or urban area (either spatially or by population thresholds). However, as an example, any LGU having one or more urban areas (village, town, suburb, or city) with a population of more than 50,000 people will benefit from the application of these Guidelines to resolve planning problems in the preparation of CLUPs. 

DOWNLOAD THE DOCUMENT HERE.

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Philippine Development Plan midterm update aims to ensure sustainability and inclusiveness of the country’s economic growth, Balisacan says

The National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) has updated the Philippine Development Plan: 2011-2016 (PDP) to ensure sustainability and inclusiveness of the country’s rapid economic growth, Socioeconomic Planning Secretary Arsenio M. Balisacan said.

Balisacan presented during the regular press briefing in Malacanang on Monday the updates on macroeconomic policy, financial sector, good governance and the rule of law, industry and services, agriculture and fisheries, infrastructure, environment and natural resources, social development, among others.

The Philippine Development Plan Midterm Update spells out the government’s roadmap for inclusive growth, Balisacan said.

“Overall, the ultimate goal of the updated Plan is inclusive growth. Accomplishments will be measured primarily in terms of economic growth, to an average of 7-8 percent until 2016, reduction in unemployment to 6.5-6.7 percent in 2016 and the incidence of income poverty to 18 to 20 percent,” Balisacan said.

“In addition, we are committing to quality of life targets: raise the quality of employment and overall quality of life. The former will be reflected as a reduction of underemployment to about 17 percent in 2016 and the latter, as a reduction of the incidence of multidimensional poverty incidence to 16-18 percent,” the Socioeconomic Planning Secretary said.

The PDP midterm update will highlight high and sustained economic growth; growth that generates mass employment; and growth that reduces poverty and facilitates the achievement of the millennium development goals.

“Multidimensional poverty incidence, unlike income poverty, looks at deprivation in various dimensions – health, education, access to water, sanitation, secure housing, etc. This indicator can then track the supposed outcomes of the different human development strategies, which impact on future income poverty.” he said.

“Accelerating job creation requires building up of capital. Investments must continually rise for the economy to continue to grow and this requires a stable and predictable market environment. Thus, we should maintain positive expectations of consumer and business sectors through macroeconomic stability, a strong financial system, and a healthy external sector,” Balisacan said.

Balisacan emphasized the need to raise productivity and sustain growth in the agriculture, industry, and services sectors.

“Reducing the cost of doing business in the country will continue to be a priority, consistent with the platform of good governance, and in order to encourage more investments. This requires addressing infrastructure bottlenecks, improving connectivity and increasing the availability of highly trainable and skilled labor,” he said.

The plan aims to substantially reduce poverty by improving the skill sets of the poorest families and undertake more aggressive employment facilitation for better job-skills match especially concerning the poor.

“We believe that the key is to directly address the constraints faced by the poor, set against a backdrop of rapid and sustained growth. These constraints operate in a highly diverse, fragmented and hazard prone environment,” he said.

“Some cities or provinces have been experiencing economic growth, but the poorest families are being left behind perhaps because the growing sectors do not require the goods or services that the poor can provide,” he said.

“For this reason, we will make use of the data from the National Household Targeting System which identifies the poor households in these provinces by name. We will begin with the growth sectors present in these provinces, then focus on providing auxiliary and ancillary services that could be provided by the poorest families in the province. Based on our growth experience, these sectors could be IT-Business Process Management, tourism, construction, manufacturing, and logistics,” he said.

The goverment acknowledges that the overall development of the country is ultimately a product of the dynamism of the private sector, Balisacan said.

“The role of government is to set the necessary policy and regulatory framework and provide public goods and services to catalyze private initiative and encourage efficiency improvements,” he said.

The Plan emphasizes the government’s facilitative role in promoting competition and making it easy for firms and entrepreneurs, regardless of size, to do business in the country.

“The updated Plan specifies indicators of efficiency and effectiveness to measure success. The real measure of efficiency is the extent to which private effort has been steered towards the direction laid out in the Plan; effectiveness is the extent to which the well-being of Filipinos has been improved,” he said.

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ECONOMIC PLANNING AND POLICY

Philippines Table of Contents

The Philippines has traditionally had a private enterprise economy both in policy and in practice. The government intervened primarily through fiscal and monetary policy and in the exercise of its regulatory authority. Although expansion of public sector enterprises occurred during the Marcos presidency, direct state participation in economic activity has generally been limited. The Aquino government set a major policy initiative of consolidating and privatizing government-owned and government-controlled firms. Economic planning was limited largely to establishing targets for economic growth and other macroeconomic goals, engaging in project planning and implementation, and advising the government in the use of capital funds for development projects.

Development Planning

The responsibility for economic planning was vested in the National Economic and Development Authority. Created in January 1973, the authority assumed the mandate both for macroeconomic planning that had been undertaken by its predecessor organization, the National Economic Council, and project planning and implementation, previously undertaken by the Presidential Economic Staff. National Economic and Development Authority plans calling for the expansion of employment, maximization of growth, attainment of fiscal responsibility and monetary stability, provision of social services, and equitable distribution of income were produced by the Marcos administration for 1974-77, 1978-82, and 1983-88, and by the Aquino administration for 1987-92. Growth was encouraged largely through the provision of infrastructure and incentives for investment by private capital. Equity, a derivative goal, was to be achieved as the result of a dynamic economic expansion within an appropriate policy environment that emphasized labor-intensive production.

The National Economic and Development Authority Medium-Term Development Plan, 1987-92 reflected Aquino's campaign themes: elimination of structures of privilege and monopolization of the economy; decentralization of power and decision making; and reduction of unemployment and mass poverty, particularly in rural areas. The private sector was described as both the "initiator" and "prime mover" of the country's development; hence, the government was "to encourage and support private initiative," and state participation in the economy was to be minimized and decentralized. Goals included alleviation of poverty, generation of more productive employment, promotion of equity and social justice, and attainment of sustainable economic growth. Goals were to be achieved through agrarian reforms; strengthening the collective bargaining process; undertaking rural, labor-intensive infrastructure projects; providing social services; and expanding education and skill training. Nevertheless, as with previous plans, the goals and objectives were to be realized, trickle-down fashion, as the consequence of achieving a sustainable economic growth, albeit a growth more focused on the agricultural sector.

The plan also involved implementing more appropriate, market-oriented fiscal and monetary polices, achieving a more liberal trade policy based on comparative advantage, and improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the civil service, as well as better enforcement of government laws and regulations. Proper management of the country's external debt to allow an acceptable rate of growth and the establishment of a "pragmatic," development-oriented foreign policy were extremely important.

Economic performance fell far short of plan targets. For example, the real GNP growth rate from 1987 to 1990 averaged 25 percent less than the targeted rate, the growth rate of real exports was one-third less, and the growth rate of real imports was well over double. The targets, however, did provide a basis for discussion of consistency of official statements and whether the plan growth rates were compatible with the maintenance of external debt-repayment obligations. The plan also set priorities. Both Aquino's campaign pronouncements and the policies embodied in the planning document emphasized policies that would favorably affect the poor and the rural sector. But, because of dissension within the cabinet, conflicts with Congress, and presidential indecisiveness, policies such as land and tax reform either were not implemented or were implemented in an impaired fashion. In addition, the Philippines curtailed resources available for development projects and the provision of government services in order to maintain good relations with international creditors.

The Philippine government has undertaken to provide incentives to firms, both domestic and foreign, to invest in priority areas of the economy since the early 1950s. In 1967 an Investment Incentives Act, administered by a Board of Investments (BOI), was passed to encourage and direct investment more systematically. Three years later, an Export Incentives Act was passed, furthering the effort to move the economy beyond importsubstitution manufacturing. The incentive structure in the late 1960s and 1970s was criticized for favoring capital-intensive investment as against investments in agriculture and export industries, as well as not being sufficiently large. Export incentives were insufficient to overcome other biases against exports embodied in the structure of tariff protection and the overvaluation of the peso.

The investment incentive system was revised in 1983, and again in 1987, with the goal of rewarding performance, particularly exporting and labor-intensive production. As a results of objections made by the United States and other industrial nations to export-subsidy provisions contained in the 1983 Investment Code, much of the specific assistance to exporters was removed in the 1987 version. The 1987 Investment Code delegates considerable discretionary power over foreign investment to the government Board of Investments when foreign participation in an enterprise exceeds 40 percent. Legislation under consideration by the Philippine Congress in early 1991 would limit this authority. Under the new proposal, foreign participation exceeding 40 percent would be allowed in any area not covered by a specified "negative list."

Fiscal Policy

Historically, the government has taken a rather conservative stance on fiscal activities. Until the 1970s, national government expenditures and taxation generally were each less than 10 percent of GNP. (Total expenditures of provincial, city, and municipal governments were small, between 5 and 10 percent of national government expenditures in the 1980s.) Under the Marcos regime, national government activity increased to between 15 and 17 percent of GNP, largely because of increased capital expenditures and, later, growing debt-service payments. In 1987 and 1988, the ratio of government expenditure to GNP rose above 20 percent. Tax revenue, however, remained relatively stable, seldom rising above 12 percent of GNP. Chronic government budget deficits were covered by international borrowing during the Marcos era and mainly by domestic borrowing during the Aquino administration. Both approaches contributed to the vicious circle of deficits generating the need for borrowing, and the debt service on those loans creating greater deficits and the need to borrow even more. At 5.2 percent of GNP, the 1990 government deficit was a major consideration in the 1991 standby agreement between Manila and the IMF.

Over time, the apportionment of government spending has changed considerably. In 1989 the largest portion of the national government budget (43.9 percent) went for debt servicing. Most of the rest covered economic services and social services, including education. Only 9.1 percent of the budget was allocated for defense. The Philippines devoted a smaller proportion of GNP to defense than did any other country in Southeast Asia.

The Aquino government formulated a tax reform program in 1986 that contained some thirty new measures. Most export taxes were eliminated; income taxes were simplified and made more progressive; the investment incentives system was revised; luxury taxes were imposed; and, beginning in 1988, a variety of sales taxes were replaced by a 10 percent value-added tax--the central feature of the administration's tax reform effort. Some administrative improvements also were made. The changes, however, did not effect an appreciable rise in the tax revenue as a proportion of GNP.

Problems with the Philippine tax system appear to have more to do with collections than with the rates. Estimates of individual income tax compliance in the late 1980s ranged between 13 and 27 percent. Assessments of the magnitude of tax evasion by corporate income tax payers in 1984 and 1985 varied from as low as P1.7 billion to as high as P13 billion. The latter figure was based on the fact that only 38 percent of registered firms in the country actually filed a tax return in 1985. Although collections in 1989 were P10.1 billion, a 70 percent increase over 1988, they remained P1.4 billion below expectations. Tax evasion was compounded by mismanagement and corruption. A 1987 government study determined that 25 percent of the national budget was lost to graft and corruption.

Low collection rates also reinforced the regressive structure of the tax system. The World Bank calculated that effective tax rates (taxes paid as a proportion of income) of low-income families were about 50 percent greater than those of high-income families in the mid-1980s. Middle-income families paid the largest percentage. This situation was caused in part by the government's heavy reliance on indirect taxes. Individual income taxes accounted for only 8.9 percent of tax collections in 1989, and corporate income taxes were only 18.5 percent. Taxes on goods and services and duties on international transactions made up 70 percent of tax revenue in 1989, about the same as in 1960.

The consolidated public sector deficit--the combined deficit of national government, local government, and public-sector enterprise budgets--which had been greatly reduced in the first two years of the Aquino administration, rose to 5.2 of GNP by the end of 1990. In June 1990, the government proposed a comprehensive new tax reform package in an attempt to control the public sector deficit. About that time, the IMF, World Bank, and Japanese government froze loan disbursements because the Philippines was not complying with targets in the standby agreement with the IMF. As a result of the 1990-91 Persian Gulf crisis, petroleum prices increased and the Oil Price Stabilization Fund put an additional strain on the budget. The sudden cessation of dollar remittances from contract workers in Kuwait and Iraq and increased interest rates on domestic debt of the government also contributed to the deficit.

Negotiations between the Aquino administration and Congress on the administration's tax proposals fell through in October 1990, with the two sides agreeing to focus on improved tax collections, faster privatization of government-owned and government-controlled corporations, and the imposition of a temporary import levy. A new standby agreement between the government and the IMF in early 1991 committed the government to raise taxes and energy prices. Although the provisions of the agreement were necessary in order to secure fresh loans, the action increased the administration's already fractious relations with Congress.

Monetary Policy

The Central Bank of the Philippines was established in June 1948 and began operation the following January. It was charged with maintaining monetary stability; preserving the value and covertibility of the peso; and fostering monetary, credit, and exchange conditions conducive to the economic growth of the country. In 1991 the policy-making body of the Central Bank was the Monetary Board, composed of the governor of the Central Bank as chairman, the secretary of finance, the director general of the National Economic and Development Authority, the chairman of the Board of Investment, and three members from the private sector. In carrying out its functions, the Central Bank supervised the commercial banking system and managed the country's foreign currency system.

From 1975 to 1982, domestic saving (including capital consumption allowance) averaged 25 percent of GNP, about 5 percentage points less than annual gross domestic capital formation. This resource gap was filled with foreign capital. Between 1983 and 1989, domestic saving as a proportion of GNP declined on the average by a third, initially because of the impact of the economic crisis on personal savings and later more because of negative government saving. Investment also declined, so that for three of these years, domestic savings actually exceeded gross investment.

From the time it began operations until the early 1980s, the Central Bank intervened extensively in the country's financial life. It set interest rates on both bank deposits and loans, often at rates that were, when adjusted for inflation, negative. Central Bank credit was extended to commercial banks through an extensive system of rediscounting. In the 1970s, the banking system resorted, with the Central Bank's assistance, to foreign credit on terms that generally ignored foreign-exchange risk. The combination of these factors mitigated against the development of financial intermediation in the economy, particularly the growth of long-term saving. The dependence of the banking system on funds from the Central Bank at low interest rates, in conjunction with the discretionary authority of the bank, has been cited as a contributing factor to the financial chaos that occurred in the 1980s. For example, the proportion of Central Bank loans and advances to government-owned financial institutions increased from about 25 percent of the total in 1970 to 45 percent in 1981-82. Borrowings of the government-owned Development Bank of the Philippines from the Central Bank increased almost 100-fold during this period. Access to resources of this sort, in conjunction with subsidized interest rates, enabled Marcos cronies to obtain loans and the later bailouts that contributed to the financial chaos.

At the start of the 1980s, the government introduced a number of monetary measures built on 1972 reforms to enhance the banking industry's ability to provide adequate amounts of long-term finance. Efforts were made to broaden the capital base of banks through encouraging mergers and consolidations. A new class of banks, referred to as "expanded commercial banks" or "unibanks," was created to enhance competition and the efficiency of the banking industry and to increase the flow of long-term saving. Qualifying banks--those with a capital base in excess of P500 million--were allowed to expand their operations into a range of new activities, combining commercial banking with activities of investment houses. The functional division among other categories of banks was reduced, and that between rural banks and thrift banks eliminated.

Interest rates were deregulated during the same period, so that by January 1983 all interest rate ceilings had been abolished. Rediscounting privileges were reduced, and rediscount rates were set in relation to the cost of competing funds. Although the short-term response seemed favorable, there was little long-term change. The ratio of the country's money supply, broadly defined to include savings and time deposits, to GNP, around 0.2 in the 1970s, rose to 0.3 in 1983, but then fell again to just above 0.2 in the late 1980s. This ratio was among the lowest in Southeast Asia.

Monetary and fiscal policies that were set by the government in the early 1980s, contributed to large intermediation margins, the difference between lending and borrowing rates. In 1988, for example, loan rates averaged 16.8 percent, whereas rates on savings deposits were only slightly more than 4 percent. The Central Bank traditionally maintained relatively high reserve requirements (the proportion of deposits that must remain in reserve), in excess of 20 percent. In 1990 the reserve requirement was revised upward twice, going from 21 percent to 25 percent. In addition, the government levied both a 5 percent gross tax on bank receipts and a 20 percent tax on deposit earnings, and borrowed extensively to cover budget deficits and to absorb excess growth in the money supply.

In addition to large intermediation margins, Philippine banks offered significantly different rates for deposits of different amounts. For instance, in 1988 interest rates on six-month time deposits of large depositors averaged almost 13 percent, whereas small savers earned only 4 percent on their savings. Rates offered on six-month and twelve-month time deposits differed by only 1 percentage point, and the rate differential for foreign currency deposits of all available maturities was within a single percentage point range. Because savings deposits accounted for approximately 60 percent of total bank deposits and alternatives for small savers were few, the probability of interest rate discrimination by the commercial banking industry between small, less-informed depositors and more affluent savers, was quite high. Interest rates of time deposits also were bid up to reduce capital flight. This discrimination coupled with the large intermediation margins, gave rise to charges by Philippine economists and the World Bank that the Philippine commercial banking industry was highly oligopolistic.

Money supply growth has been highly variable, expanding during economic and political turmoil and then contracting when the Philippines tried to meet IMF requirements. Before the 1969, 1984, and 1986 elections, the money supply grew rapidly. The flooding of the economy with money prior to the 1986 elections was one reason why the newly installed Aquino administration chose to scrap the existing standby arrangement with the IMF in early 1986 and negotiate a new agreement. The Central Bank released funds to stabilize the financial situation following a financial scandal in early 1981, after the onset of an economic crisis in late 1983, and after a coup attempt in 1989. The money was then repurchased by the Treasury and the Central Bank--the so-called Jobo bills, named after then Central Bank Governor Jose Fernandez--at high interest rates, rates that peaked in October 1984 at 43 percent and were approaching 35 percent in late 1990. The interest paid on this debt necessitated even greater borrowing. By contrast, in 1984 and 1985, in order to regain access to external capital, the growth rate of the money supply was very tight. IMF dictates were met, very high inflation abated, and the current account was in surplus. Success, however, was obtained at the expense of a steep fall in output and high unemployment.

Privatization

When Aquino assumed the presidency in 1986, P31 billion, slightly more than 25 percent of the government's budget, was allocated to public sector enterprises--government-owned or government-controlled corporations--in the form of equity infusions, subsidies, and loans. Aquino also found it necessary to write off P130 billion in bad loans granted by the government's two major financial institutions, the Philippine National Bank and the Development Bank of the Philippines, "to those who held positions of power and conflicting interest under Marcos." The proliferation of inefficient and unprofitable public sector enterprises and bad loans held by the Philippine National Bank, the Development Bank of the Philippines, and other government entities, was a heavy legacy of the Marcos years.

Burdened with 296 public sector enterprises, plus 399 other nonperforming assets transferred to the government by the Philippine National Bank and the Development Bank of the Philippines, the Aquino administration established the Asset Privatization Trust in 1986 to dispose of government-owned and government-controlled properties. By early 1991, the Asset Privatization Trust had sold 230 assets with net proceeds of P14.3 billion. Another seventy-four public sector enterprises that were created with direct government investment were put up for sale; fifty-seven enterprises were sold wholly or in part for a total of about P6 billion. The government designated that about 30 percent of the original public sector enterprises be retained and expected to abolish another 20 percent. There was widespread controversy over the fairness of the divestment procedure and its potential to contribute to an even greater concentration of economic power in the hands of a few wealthy families.

More about the Economy of the Philippines.

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Guidelines on Mainstreaming DRR in Development

The Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan for 2004-2010 outlines the country’s goals of reducing poverty and accelerating development, and specifies the strategies and action plans to bring about a better quality of life for the citizenry.

But even as these guideposts for development are in place, the attainment of these goals is hampered by the constant threat of disasters. The frequent occurrence of natural and man-made disasters in the country does not only take its toll on the economy, but has implications on our socioeconomic conditions, particularly among the poor and those in remote areas where access to services become even more difficult.

The Guidelines on Mainstreaming Disaster Risk Reduction in Subnational Development and Land Use/Physical Planning is envisioned to improve our capacity to prevent and mitigate disasters. It is a tool for enhancing regional and provincial planning analyses by recognizing risks posed by natural hazards and the vulnerability of the population, economy and the environment to these hazards. By introducing risk analysis in development planning, regions and provinces can strengthen their ability to identify areas at risk to disasters, ensure proper siting of development undertakings, and identify appropriate mitigation measures. This is well within track of our country’s commitment to the Hyogo Framework of Action that aims to integrate disaster risk reduction into sustainable development policies and planning. 

Ultimately, the main goal is to enable communities to reduce vulnerability and to increase their capacity to cope with disasters. NEDA believes that a stronger collaboration with local governments is necessary to achieve the country’s desired economic growth and development. In line with this, NEDA formulated the Guidelines as part of its commitment to provide local government units with the necessary tools that can help them to effectively carry out their mandate.

Guidelines on Mainstreaming DRR in Subnational Development Land Use Planning

National Framework Strategy on Climate Change

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PHILIPPINE DEVELOPMENT PLAN 2011-2016

The Philippine Development Plan 2011-2016 adopts a framework of inclusive growth, which is high growth that is sustained, generates mass employment, and reduces poverty. With good governance and anticorruption as the overarching theme of each and every intervention, the Plan translates into specific goals, objectives, strategies, programs and projects all the things that we want to accomplish in the medium term.

Through this Plan, we intend to pursue rapid and sustainable economic growth and development, improve the quality of life of the Filipino, empower the poor and marginalized and enhance our social cohesion as a nation. Our strategic development policy framework thus focuses on improving transparency and accountability in governance, strengthening the macroeconomy, boosting the competitiveness of our industries, facilitating infrastructure development, strengthening the financial sector and capital mobilization, improving access to quality social services, enhancing peace and security for development, and ensuring ecological integrity.

The Philippine Development Plan will serve as our guide in formulating policies and implementing development programs for the next six years. It enables us to work systematically to give the Filipino people a better chance of finally finding their way out of poverty, inequality, and the poor state of human development.

PHILIPPINE DEVELOPMENT PLAN 2011-2016

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History of Modern Urban Planning

Urban planning as a modern discipline originated fairly recently- in the latter part of the 19th century, mainly as a reaction to the disorder and squalor of the industrial city. The first academic program began in England, in the university of Liverpool, in 1909, and the first North American program was established in Harvard University, in 1924. Unplanned and explosive growth of cities in Europe and North America gave rise to giant sprawling cities developed during this era, exhibiting extreme wealth and depressing poverty side by side. Not only were the slums of the large cities ugly, crowded and dirty, they were a threat to healthy living.

The recognition of recreation and areas that were set aside for recreational purposes became a standard part of modern urban planning in the later half of the nineteenth century. New York's Central Park, which was conceived in the 1850s, was designed by architects Calvert Vaux and Frederick Law Olmsted. This quickly became a model for other cities to follow, like providing for lungs for a whole city to breathe, an area of wonderful greenery and open space in the midst of an unending urban sprawl.

  

After World War ll Lots of European countries began re-constructing new towns as government enterprises, those cities were Germany, The Netherlands, The Soviet Union, and especially France. The government had many concerns such as too much density within urban areas, they constructed towns that means of capturing the over spill from cities with planned developments. In Sweden the government successfully constructed new towns with mixed-income occupancy. In Asia, after the World War ll produced, populated, metropolises. The Chinese government constructed Pudong New Area- a planned central commercial business district along with houses and factories. 

by Michael 

In this article, I shall give a brief outline the historical development of several theories, trends and styles in urban planning and the growth of cities. For all intents and purposes, this article will focus almost exclusively upon examples drawn from European and North American urban patterns. After a brief overview of how city populations have changed radically over the last couple centuries, I will describe several of the most notable urban planning styles and trends as they developed in response to the myriad of problems that were associated with large and growing industrial era cities.

The ideal centrally-planned urban space: Sposalizio by Raphael Sanzio, 1504

Prior to the 18th century, the vast majority of cities and towns had populations of about two to three thousand people, with 85-90% of the population living in small agricultural hamlets and villages of 300-400 people scattered across the countryside. Generally, a market town would likely develop at a suitable place to serve the needs of the surrounding villages - usually defined as being within a convenient one-day’s walk (approximately 12 miles). This was of course back in the days when farmers brought their goods to market on donkeys or horse-drawn carts so that populations needed to live close to the land that fed them - thus limiting the size of cities and towns. As a general rule, what larger cities and towns that did exist at this time in history generally had their origin as either A) a consolidation of several neighboring villages; B) a key transportation point (such as a river-crossing or harbor); or C) proximity to a power-center such as a castle, palace or key religious institution.

In pre-industrial Europe of that time, there were perhaps 20-30 cities in the 10-20,000 population range with another half-dozen in the 50-150,000 range (Florence, Rome, Milan, Venice, Paris & London). In every case, these larger urban centers were located either on the coast or on navigable rivers - a necessity for food supply given the lack of refrigeration. All of these old cities and towns have intricate and complicated street patterns in their oldest districts - often called ‘organic’ pattern as the streets generally follow the topography of the land - twisting and turning in odd directions.

It is only with the advent of the 18th century industrial revolution where we see the beginning of a steep rise in urban development and city sizes. The city is where industry was usually located or developed and this attracted more and more people looking for work and/or higher wages or opportunities. Thus, throughout the 18th & 19th centuries, urban populations all over Europe and North America rose rapidly, with London and Paris passing the million mark by 1800 and many other cities in the 100,000-500,000 population range. Even at this time, all of these large cities were located upon coastlines or navigable rivers.

Between 1840 and 1960, a veritable spider web of canals, railroads and highways was laid down across Europe and North America. With the assistance of electrical power and the wonders of refrigeration, it was now possible for many cities to grow ever larger, outgrowing the old need for coastlines and navigable rivers. Elaborate systems for the supply of fresh water, sewage, garbage, public health services and public transit were developed to address the needs of a vast growing metropolis.

“THE GRAND MANNER OR BAROQUE STYLE”

The first notable trend in urban planning arises with renaissance era political authorities, most notably absolutist-minded princes of Europe, seeking to fortify or to ‘perfect’ their capitol cities. The spoked wheel was deemed to be the most perfect city shape for the purpose of military and civil defence - to allow easy routes for the movement of troops to quell riots in the center of the city - or to move rapidly to defend the walls against external enemies. The city of Palmanova in Italy (built 1593-1623) is an almost perfectly preserved example of this type of radial starburst design with extensive fortifications and outworks.

But military and civil control were not the only driving passions of these renaissance princes. Artwork and beautification were also high on their minds, with figures such as Michelangelo laying out new streetscapes in Rome. In the hands of a great artist, these new corridor streets became Grand Avenues, cutting through the old fabric of the organic city and linking together key landmarks with well placed sight-lines for optimal viewing pleasure and taking advantage of dramatic topography. Wherever possible, these avenues were set wide to admit of being lined with trees. Monuments, Cathedrals, Government Buildings, Palaces or Museums would serve as focal points for these avenues and promenades. Plazas, gardens, waterfalls, equestrian statues and/or public fountains used for dramatic effect in marking the route. These grand avenues would serve for ceremonial processions of the princely power. This “Baroque” or “Grand Manner” style is also often associated with neo-classical architecture, with a focus upon symmetry, marble columns and government buildings that look like ancient Roman Temples.

Rome (Renaissance & Mussolini eras), Paris (post-Haussmann), Versailles, Washington D.C., and St. Petersburg are some of the most notable examples of this “Grand Manner” in urban design applied in practice.

THE “GOTHIC REVIVAL”

In the face of growing problems associated with the early industrial city, such as high-density urban slums, poor health and sanitary conditions, industrial pollution and smog, one of the first attempted solutions was a throwback to the now cherished medieval past. Thus was born the idea of the industrial village - patterned upon an old medieval village. Instead of peasants in their cottages working in the feudal lord’s fields, we had workers in their cottages (or dormitories) working in the company factory - away from the ugliness of the newly industrial city. A focus upon ‘planned picturesque suburbs’ is associated with this period - a reaction against the ugliness of the industrial revolution and the absolutist political character of the Grand Manner. This trend or style that is called Gothic Revival celebrates the human scale and seeks to recreate the natural organic street pattern of old medieval towns and villages. In many ways, this style or trend is ‘anti-city’ as it seeks to escape from urban squalor by working with a smaller scale in the countryside, and taking advantage of modern forms of transportation - such as canals and railroads - to link up with distant markets. This era also coincides with a revival of medieval-gothic styles of architecture in residential as well as institutional buildings. Government legislature buildings in many British colonies display this favoured style of the 19th century.

THE CITY BEAUTIFUL MOVEMENT: “GARDEN CITIES OF TOMORROW”

Setting up a series of small industrial villages in the manner of the small English mill or mining towns was only partially successful because the enormous scale of industrial production required, or encouraged, ever larger cities as centers of production and consumption. While elaborate sewage systems and public health services went a long way to curbing the worst problems, many challenging problems remained. Big industrial cities were deemed to be inhuman in scale, reducing human beings to mere cogs in a machine. Big industrial cities were still decried as filthy, polluted and congested.

The first signs of this new response to the ugliness of the industrial city comes in the form of several late 19th century plans for new “ideal” cities laid out in an entirely different pattern.. The various parts of a city were to be separated and isolated into industrial, commercial, public service and residential zones - insulated from each other with greenbelts of parklands and plenty of trees. Straight arterial roadways would carry the traffic, while low density residential zones would be laid out with meandering or curving streets reminiscent of the medieval village. Riverside, Illinois and Glendale, Ohio are two notable 19th century examples from the USA of this type of ‘ideal’ planned town. Frederick Law Olmsted was a noted practitioner of this style and his design for Central Park in NYC are considered a classic example of this new style.

In 1898 Ebenezer Howard published his landmark book “To-Morrow, A Peaceful Path to Social Reform” - later renamed and republished in the USA as “Garden Cities of To-Morrow”. Here the ideal of the self-contained and modestly scaled city is laid out with precision. Howard believed that this style of urban planning was really only possible with socialistic or communal property laws. Nevertheless, Unwin & Parker, two early 20th century British urban planners, picked up on Howard’s ideas and put many of them into practice with traditional private property holdings. The most notable example is Letchworth in England, a “garden-city” commuter town served by rail from London. In the 1920’s & 30’s, many of these “garden-city” inspired commuter suburbs were built all over England, France and North America, surrounded by green-belts of parkland.

THE MODERNIST CITY

Developed around the same time as the ideas of Garden Cities, and in response to the same problems of the industrial monster city, Modernism in urban planning goes in the opposite direction as that of the Garden Cities. Modernism celebrated the density, excitement and egalitarianism of the modern city and strove to improve upon it with new ways of urban living. Many noted modernist architects criticised the ‘old’ European cities as tradition-bound and inefficient for modern living. Modernism required new open spaces to showcase modern skyscrapers and an efficient traffic network. Le Corbusier (a notable French modernist architect) made many practical suggestions for a graduated road-network (fast traffic on arterial roadways, local traffic on smaller side streets and a network of pathways to serve pedestrian traffic) to serve the needs of modern living.

Modernism in urban planning also came to be associated with large scale renewal projects after WWII in both Europe and North America. Many large bombed out cities or decrepit industrial slums were bulldozed and laid down as if new - with huge blocks of residential buildings and efficient road networks.

CITIES OF TODAY

The one thing that is most notable in many of today’s larger cities is that all of the styles described here are often all present together and co-existing. Certainly the “City Beautiful” movement admired several aspects of the “Grand Manner” - as well as having its roots in “The Gothic Revival” movement. Modernism has placed its stamp with a network of highways and system of graduated roads, along with forests of glass skyscrapers and odd-shaped cantilevered buildings. And once again, there is a ‘gothic revival’ of sorts going on with a popular movement towards preserving older buildings, building on a smaller or more ‘human’ scale and mixed-use zoning laws with less reliance (and favortism) upon automobiles for inner city transportation. One thing is certain - large urban cities remain as popular as ever with major cities continuing to grow ever larger as more and more people are attracted to the bright lights of the big city.

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Zoning as a Tool for Plan Implementation

Zoning is an exercise of the police power: the inherent power of a sovereign government to legislate for the health, welfare, and safety of the community (Cullingworth)

Zoning is the division of a community into zones or districts (e.g. commercial, residential, industrial, etc.) according to present and potential uses of land to maximize, regulate and direct their use and development in accordance with the Comprehensive Land Use Plan of the community (HLURB). These definitions point to zoning as a regulatory tool to control the use of the land for the interest of the public.

Components of Zoning

Zoning Map which shows graphically the designation, location and boundaries of the different “zones” or districts into which the community is divided.

Zoning Ordinance or text that specifies in detail what may be constructed in each zone and to what uses structures may be put. It also contain provisions on what steps to do to obtain zoning permits or clearance to use and develop their land and what remedies are available to them should they find some regulations contained therein as too restrictive or difficult to comply with.

Who enacts zoning regulations?
Zoning is enacted in the same manner as other local ordinances which are promulgated by the local legislative body (Sangguniang Panglunsod or Sangguniang Pambayan) and signed into law by the Mayor of the city or municipality.

What is the source of power of the local legislative bodies to enact zoning?
The power to zone is derived from the police power of the State which vests on the legislative body the power to make and establish reasonable laws, statutes or ordinances which shall promote the general welfare of its inhabitants.

What does zoning regulate?
Use – residential, commercial, etc.
Off-street parking – to ensure that new or proposed developments make provisions for some of their own parking needs to prevent congestion and heavy traffic.
Building bulk – requiring setback provisions on the front and side, rear yards; limiting building heights and limiting the proportion or amount of an area that may be covered by buildings
Population density – specifying minimum required size for each lot, limiting the number of families per hectare or setting a minimum required lot area for each family.
Others – landscaping signs, appearance of building, loading and unloading, and view protection

Types of Zoning

Traditional (Euclidian) Zoning – originally vested on the motion of hierarchy or pyramid of land uses, with “lower” uses assured to have harmful effects on “higher” uses. Zoning was justified on the economic premise that the unregulated use of land produces harmful consequences when incompatible uses are located near one another. Rigid and restrictive. Segregation of noxious activities out of residential areas and into their own districts.

“The New York City Comprehensive Zoning Ordinance in 1916” – first comprehensive zoning ordinance; model ordinance

Non-Cumulative Zoning – each successive district admits the uses of all the more restricted districts. One district exclusively for residential, second district (commercial) admits also residential uses. The industrial district, being the lowest class district, is open to all uses. Commercial and industrial districts enjoy the same exclusiveness accorded only to residences.

Special Use Zoning – this technique retain the usual residential, commercial and industrial zones, specifying the uses permitted in each zone. For each zone, however, special areas are also established which are permitted within the zone only if approved by the zoning board on the governing legislative body.

Spot Zoning – process of singling out a small parcel of land for a use classification totally different from that of the surrounding area, for the benefit of the owner of such property and to the detriment of the owners of the others. Spot zoning is the very antithesis of planned planning. A kind of ad-hoc zoning that allows a small piece of land to deviate from the approved zone of the area.

Bonus or Incentive Zoning – will allow increase residential densities if developers will include some units earmarked for low and moderate-income tenants. A particular zone can be permitted to increase from 8 to 10 units if 15% of the units are reserved for low and moderate-income tenants. It will also permit additional height for office development if developer will provide certain amenities at ground level – for example, a plaza in front of the entrance of the building, a direct entrance to a subway station, or “vest pocket” park or sitting area.

Transfer of Development Rights – intent is to concentrate development areas where it is wanted and to restrict it in areas where it is not. A sending area and a receiving area are designated. Priority owners in the sending and receiving areas who do not develop their properties to the full extent permitted by law may sell their unused rights to property areas in receiving areas. This technique is used to preserve open space, limit development in an ecologically fragile area, or to achieve historic preservation goals among others.

Inclusionary Zoning – developers who builds more than a specified number of units must include a certain percentage for low and moderate income households or some other designated group of households. It differs from the incentive or bonus approach in that the inclusion of low and moderate-income units is not discretionary.
It is the same, however, in that it shifts some of the costs of housing such households to developer. He or she in turn, is likely to shift at least some of that cost to the other buyers or renter.

Planned Unit Development – the entire community is zoned in a conventional manner. However, the law provides that a property owner with a minimum number of acres, say 20, has the option of applying to develop his or her holdings as a PUD.
In this case, the property is subject to different set of controls. The density permitted may or may not be the same as that stipulated by the conventional ordinance and the uses permitted may or may not be the same. The entire site plan will be reviewed as a single entity under a review specified by the PUD ordinance.

Cluster Zoning – another technique to free the site designer from the rigidity of conventional Euclidian zoning while still letting the community retain control of the over-all effects of development. Cluster ordinances, which generally apply to residential development, permit the building of houses on smaller lots, provided that the space saved is used for community purposes. Completed development shall have no more houses in it than it could contain if developed with the original requirement.

Performance Zoning/Flexible Zoning – stipulates what or may not be done in terms of end results instead of giving detailed regulations on the exact form of development. It can be regarded as an attempt to achieve the same goals as conventional zoning but in a more flexible manner. Hallmark is the use of performance standards to determine appropriate uses and development designs for parcels of land. Flexible zoning ordinances therefore incorporate performance standards for land uses, site design, and building characteristics and provide administrative mechanisms that minimize discretionary actions by public officials.

Development Agreements – a municipality may pass enabling legislation that permits municipal governments to enter into “development agreements”. These bypass the existing zoning, though they must be in conformity with the comprehensive plan. The contract between the developer and the municipality specifies what the developer may do and also what he or she is required to do within the project area. The developer benefits by being permitted to do things not permitted under the existing zoning.

Exactions – the exaction technique may be used to achive similar results as incentive zoning. For example, a municipality, instead of using exactions, offers density bonuses to office developers who build downtown housing. Both the exaction and the bonus technique will work best where growth pressures are strong and land availability limited. If the community is hungry for development, it will not burden developers with the additional costs of exactions, nor will density bonuses be particularly attractive. Rather than demanding exactions, the municipality may be offering subsidies or tax abatements.

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New Environmental Planning Law upgrades qualification of standards for planners in government service

Recognizing the importance of environmental planning in nation building and development, the Professional Regulatory Board of Environmental Planning reiterates the provisions of the newly adopted "Environmental Planning Act of 2013" (R.A. No. 10587) in the appointment of positions requiring the knowledge, skills, competence and qualifications of registered and licensed environmental planners.

According to Board of Environmental Planning Resolution No. 03 series of 2014, Implementing Rules and Regulations of R.A. 10587, the Civil Service Commission shall set the qualification standards for environmental planners at various levels in government service, including government-owned and controlled corporations and other entities. After the lapse of five (5) years from the effectivity of the new law, only registered and licensed environmental planners shall be appointed to the position of heads and assistant heads of groups, departments, divisions in government offices, agencies, bureaus or instrumentalities including government-owned and controlled corporations, provinces, cities and municipalities, and other positions requiring the knowledge, skills, competence and qualifications of registered and licensed environmental planners.

"Appointments made in violation of the R.A. 10587 and its IRR shall be considered null and void", the Board said.

Moreover, the Board of Environmental Planning reiterates the prescribed period of three (3) years from the effectivity of R.A. 10587 to local government units who may continue to issue appointments to persons who are not registered and licensed environmental planners for the positions of national or local planning and development coordinators, or chiefs of local planning and development offices, only on a temporary status or acting capacity.

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HUDCC Memo Circular No. 1 Series of 2014 - Socialized Price Ceiling Increase from 400K to 450K

The price ceiling for horizontal socialized housing is adjusted from P400,000.00 to P450,000.00

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HLURB Resolution No. 906: CLUP period is now 9 years

Republic of the Philippines

Office of the President

Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council

HOUSING AND LAND USE REGULATORY BOARD

BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS

RESOLUTION NO. 906

Series of 2013

ESTABLISHING THE TIME FRAME FOR COMPREHENSIVE LAND USE PLAN/S AND ZONING ORDINANCE/S AND THE PERIOD FOR THEIR REVIEW, UPDATING AND AMENDMENT

WHEREAS, it is a declared national policy to promote innovative land development and land use
control measures as a technology for building communities and for the state to implement an integrated program of land use control that aims to foster the growth and renewal of urban and rural communities in an integrative manner that promotes optimum land use, adequate shelter, and environmental protection towards the development of man as a total human being;

WHEREAS, it is necessary to provide full support to local government units’ policies and programs on the development of their communities through effective land use and development control
measures;

WHEREAS, the Housing and Land Use Regulatory Board (formerly the Human Settlements
Regulatory Commission) is empowered under Section 5 (a) of Executive Order 648 to promulgate zoning and other land use control standards and guidelines which shall govern land use plans and zoning ordinances of local governments;

WHEREAS, there is a need to establish the time frame (planning period) for Comprehensive
Land Use Plans (CLUPs) and the period to review, update and amend the CLUPs and Zoning Ordinances (ZOs) that coincide with the established term of office of elected government officials to allow local government units to respond to (new) development trends, alleviate uncontrolled land developments, increase in demand for land for housing, include/integrate aspects that were not considered during plan formulation such as climate change and disaster risk reduction, forest and coastal/water uses, heritage conservation and to incorporate the priorities and policies of the newly elected local government officials such as the Mayor and members of the Sangguniang Panlungsod/Bayan.

WHEREAS, it is necessary to establish a clear policy on the time frame (planning period) for
CLUPs and ZOs and the period for their review, updating and amendment for the information and
guidance of local government units, development planners, consultants, non-governmental
organizations, stakeholders and the community.

WHEREFORE, be it RESOLVED as it is hereby RESOLVED ESTABLISHING a maximum time frame (planning period) of NINE (9) YEARS for a COMPREHENSIVE LAND USE PLAN subject to review, updating and amendment by the local government units after THREE (3) YEARS from its date of approval without prejudice to an earlier review, updating and amendment, as the need arises.

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the ZONING ORDINANCE shall be so amended in accordance
with the updates or changes in the Comprehensive Land Use Plan.

APPROVED, 25 September 2013, Coconut Palace, Pasay City
HON. JEJOMAR C. BINAY
 Vice-President of the Philippines
 and HLURB Chairman
AUSTERE PANADERO
Undersecretary, DILG
Ex-Officio Commissioner
ANTONIO M. BERNARDO
Chief Executive Officer and
Commissioner
JOSE VICENTE SALAZAR
Undersecretary, DOJ
Ex-Officio Commissioner
RIA CORAZON GOLEZ CABRERA
Commissioner
JAIME A. PACANAN
Undersecretary, DPWH
Ex-Officio Commissioner
LUIS ALVAREZ PAREDES
Commissioner
EMMANUEL F. ESGUERRA
Deputy Director-General, NEDA
Ex-Officio Commissioner
LINDA L. MALENAB-HORNILLA, MNSA
Commissioner
 Attested by:
 CHARITO B. LANSANG
 Board Secretary

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3rd Philippine Professional Summit ​"Ensuring International Alignment of Education and Professional Practice"

ARE U READY FOR ASEAN INTEGRATION IN 2015?

IS YOUR EDUCATION AND PROFESSIONAL PRACTICE INTERNATIONALLY ALIGNED???

To know the answer...

YOU ARE INVITED TO ATTEND THE

3rd Philippine Professional Summit ​"Ensuring International Alignment of Education and Professional Practice"

This conference will prepare the Professionals to strengthen their capacity to be assured at the
best possible stancefor the ASEAN International Economic Integration in 2015, and beyond.

CONFERENCE OBJECTIVES:

• Understand and apply the concept and principle of international alignmentat the level of education, professional practice and at the level of national qualifications frameworks.
• Perform a situational analysis of each profession/s.
• Discuss the most critical areas of non-alignment using the ASEAN countries and the major
• countries of destination of Filipino professionals for comparison.
• Formulate an Action Agenda addressing the gaps/weaknesses.
• Discuss innovative programs that can be adopted by professionals.
• Identify next steps and activities after the Summit.

PROGRAM OUTLINE

INPUT 1

CHED Commissioner Maria Cynthia Rose Bautista will present

CHED's program on the International Alignment for Education

PRC Chairperson Teresita R. Manzala will present

the Philippine Qualifications Framework in relation to International Qualifications Frameworks

Mr. David Yu of Hong Kong Qualifications Framework will present

Referencing the Qualification Framework to European Qualification Framework

INPUT 2

CHED Technical Committee on Nursing Education Chairperson Carmelita C. Divinagracia

will present International Alignment of Education and Professional Practice in Nursing

INPUT 3

Architect Rogelio Villarosa will present

International Alignment of Education and Professional Practice in Architecture

INPUT 4

DFA Undersecretary Laura Del Rosario was invited to present

International Alignment of Education and Professional Practice of Professional Teachers

INPUT 5

PASUC President Ricardo Rotoras will present

International Alignment of Education and Professional Practice of Electrical Engineers

INPUT 6

Saudi Council of Engineers Secretary-General Ghazi Alabbasi will discuss the

qualifications recognition process that Filipino engineers and architects go through when they

apply forwork in Saudi Arabia,focusing on the international alignment of

education and professional practice.

Ms. Peggy Wong of Hong Kong Qualifications Framework will present

the Policy and Principles of Credit Accumulation and Transfer under the Qualifications

Framework in Hong Kong

DOLE Undersecretary Reydeluz Conferido will present

Reintegration Program of DOLE for Professionals and OFWs

MAJOR HIGHLIGHTS

Summit Output and Action Agenda of the Professionals will be handed over to

DOLE Secretary Rosalinda Dimapilis-Baldoz for endorsement to

His Excellency Benigno S. Aquino III

WHO SHOULD ATTEND???

- All Local and Overseas Filipino Professionals

-Officers and Members of the Accredited  Professional Organizations (APOs)

and its stakeholders (National, Local and International Chapters)

-Professionals in the Government

 -Professionals in the Private Sector

-Registered and Licensed Professionals under Professional Regulation Commission (PRC)

-Professionals in firms registered with PRC with Temporary/Special Permits (TSPs)

-Continuing Professional Development (CPD) Providers

-Training Program Providers

-Professionals in Institutions offering academic courses for the regulated Professions.

"Do your share and be part of this momentus event!!!"

REGISTER NOW!!!

and avail a discount of Php 1,000.00 until October 14, 2014

For Reservation/s

please contact PAPRB Secretariat (Lily, Shirely, and Julie) at 7356933 

or email add paprbsec@gmail.com

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